Ecuador’s Hardline Tactics Bring Belgium’s Drug Seizures Down
Belgian customs workers saw a big drop in drug seizures at Antwerp’s busy port last year ‒ a change they link to strong actions in Latin America mainly by Ecuador. This shift shows both the changing plans of drug groups and Ecuador’s strong reaction.
A Surprising Shift in Europe’s Main Drug Gateway
Until recently, Antwerp was viewed as the epicenter of cocaine’s entry into European markets. Nestled along Belgium’s River Scheldt, the port is Europe’s second largest and has historically served as a wide-open gateway for illicit narcotics shipped from Ecuador, Colombia, Panama, and other Latin American nations. Each year Belgian customs caught huge amounts of cocaine hidden in shipments of fruits, coffee, metals, etc. This shocking pattern appeared unstoppable ‒ In 2023 authorities took 116 tonnes of the drug ‒ a very surprising record that left officials struggling with the size of smuggling activities.
Something surprising happened. Figures released by Belgian authorities reveal a 64% drop in cocaine seizures in 2024, plummeting from 116 tonnes the year prior to just 44 tonnes. That kind of shift would have been unthinkable only 12 months ago. The biggest question is how such a big drop happened, given Antwerp’s famous weakness to cartels and the ongoing challenges of checking every incoming container.
Several things seem important: better scanning machines, quicker customs workers and maybe traffickers moved their shipments to other ports. Yet the data suggests a more direct explanation: Latin American crackdowns took effect before the consignments even reached Belgian waters. Belgian Customs Chief Kristian Vanderwaeren told the AFP that at least 80 tonnes of cocaine bound for Antwerp were intercepted directly at source in 2024, a significant jump from the 45 tonnes halted the previous year. That shift was especially visible in Ecuador, a country wedged between two of the world’s largest cocaine producers: Colombia and Peru.
For a port so accustomed to inching upward in total drug seizures every year, Antwerp’s 2024 decline marks the first drop in more than a decade. Where did all the contraband go? One plausible reading is that the improved vigilance in Ecuador forced smugglers to rethink their shipping methods, scattering smaller loads across more diverse routes and possibly favoring other European ports. Belgian officials noted that while major busts exceeding two tonnes once occurred regularly, they have dwindled significantly. The scattering of smuggling attempts into multiple smaller consignments suggests that trafficking organizations are recalibrating to avoid concentrated losses.
Looking from a wider angle ‒ Antwerp’s drop in cocaine captures maybe good news for Belgian officials who have long struggled with the time consuming tasks of taking and getting rid of huge piles of drugs. But it also underscores the precarious nature of drug supply chains and how vulnerable they remain to relatively abrupt changes in policy or enforcement in far-off nations. If Ecuador or neighboring states pause their crackdowns, or if traffickers uncover new smuggling methods, Antwerp could soon see volumes creep upward again.
The Key Role of Ecuador’s Crackdown
As Belgian customs and political leaders scramble to interpret Antwerp’s figures, one country’s name surfaces repeatedly: Ecuador. Long recognized as a strategic transshipment hub, the Andean nation became a critical node in global cocaine routes partly due to its coastal ports, relatively weak oversight, and infiltration by transnational cartels. That vulnerability only worsened as local gangs formed alliances with bigger players, using Ecuadorian ports to funnel hidden narcotics into Europe and the United States.
Once associated primarily with bananas and shrimp exports, Ecuador developed a darker reputation as a rising corridor for drug exports. But in January 2024, the newly elected President Daniel Noboa declared a sweeping “war” on organized crime groups, contending that if Ecuador failed to act decisively, the criminal infrastructure would spiral out of control. Specific measures included designating military units to secure port facilities, lowering the threshold for prosecuting conspiracy, and intensifying cargo inspections with advanced scanning and canine units. Noboa also authorized intelligence-sharing initiatives with countries like the United States, hoping to follow the model of success that had eluded prior administrations.
Although Ecuador’s homicide and violence rates remain concerning—particularly around key ports—there is emerging evidence of tangible impact. For instance, by mid-2024, police reportedly discovered multiple shipping containers loaded with cocaine at coastal terminals, confiscating the contraband before it left the country. While some observers initially doubted the depth of these operations, results quickly followed. Latin American interdictions soared: more than 80 tonnes of cocaine destined for Antwerp alone was seized at origin, nearly doubling the figure from the previous year.
Vanderwaeren, Belgium’s top customs official, specifically commended Ecuador’s role. “They saw how bad the smuggling issue was and acted quickly,” he said. New laws along with more soldiers, stopped big groups from gathering huge shipments. Anecdotal evidence suggests that local gangs, stifled by heightened surveillance, retreated into smaller-scale shipping methods or re-routed shipments through lesser-known ports in the region.
Of course, the war on drugs is seldom that straightforward. Ecuador still grapples with powerful crime syndicates, and critics point to the potential for human rights abuses whenever the military intervenes so prominently in policing. Nonetheless, the notion that Ecuador’s crackdown spurred direct, measurable drops in major European seaport seizures remains compelling. “They saw how bad the smuggling issue was and acted quickly,” he said. New laws along with more soldiers, stopped big groups from gathering huge shipments.
Still, as the government in Quito contends with ongoing violence between rival gangs, it’s uncertain whether these new enforcement levels are sustainable. Will President Noboa continue devoting manpower, budget, and political capital to fighting drug exports once immediate headlines shift to other crises? If the crackdown falters, cartels might quickly regroup, resurrecting old routes. For now, though, the synergy between Ecuador’s new discipline and Belgium’s advanced container checks is significantly curtailing a once easy smuggling lane to Europe.
Evolving Tactics and Emerging Routes
Drug cartels have always prided themselves on their ability to pivot fast. Historically, whenever a major route turned hazardous or unprofitable, networks relocated to alternative corridors—through West Africa, Eastern Europe, or other unsuspecting areas. Antwerp’s volume drop for 2024 likely reflects traffickers splitting shipments among new paths. Belgian customs say that while seizures at their main port dropped, seizures at Brussels’ main airport jumped five times higher. These smaller varied shipments maybe become the new usual showing that criminals stay adaptable if not unbeatable.
In a sign of shifting alliances, Belgian authorities unexpectedly found Sierra Leone among the top countries of origin for seized cocaine, courtesy of one single bust that netted six tonnes. This, in turn, underscores how African ports can serve as intermediary stations for loads initially dispatched from Ecuador or other Andean states. West African trafficking networks are not new, but the scale of the Sierra Leone bust hints at the possibility that some shipments once aimed directly at Antwerp from Ecuador are now venturing first to Africa, further complicating detection.
Meanwhile, drug enforcement experts mention that Georgia—on the crossroads between Asia and Eastern Europe—could be evolving as a fresh gateway for Ecuadorian shipments entering the continent’s eastern flank. Cartels understand that controlling an entire route is more effective if security resources remain concentrated elsewhere. By forging pacts with local crime syndicates, moving cargo overland, or mixing legitimate goods from multiple origins, criminals reduce the likelihood of detection until the contraband is deep within Europe.
That said, the more routes expand, the higher the logistical costs. Maintaining quiet ports, bribing officials at every checkpoint, and training local affiliates on concealment techniques requires extensive investment. This reality underscores the significance of robust crackdowns at places like Ecuador’s Guayaquil or Manta ports: they force cartels to burn resources on finding alternatives. Even if these cartels remain formidable, economic friction can buy time for governments to refine their intelligence and hamper large-scale shipments.
Belgium’s finance minister, Vincent Van Peteghem, points out that modern criminals move quickly: “They’re constantly adapting, so we have to stay one step ahead. Coordinated efforts with reliable partners are essential.” Indeed, Belgian authorities have poured roughly 70 million euros into advanced scanning technology and personnel expansions. Observers note that while doping smugglers’ adeptness is no secret, the synergy between improved technology in Antwerp and crackdowns in Ecuador is drastically raising the risk for criminals. The result is smaller, more frequent seizures, but fewer monstrous multi-tonne shipments that once dominated news headlines.
A New Era of Cooperation and Challenges Ahead
Although Antwerp remains Europe’s top port for overall container throughput, the dramatic 2024 drop in cocaine seizures highlights both the successes and complexities of global anti-narcotics strategies. On one hand, combined efforts—Ecuador’s muscular offensive at origin and Belgium’s scanning investments at destination—have yielded a major victory, slashing the once-relentless flow of cocaine to Europe. On the other, the “success” underscores the near certainty of displacement: routes shift, tactics evolve, and drug cartels remain cunning.
For Ecuador, the challenge is maintaining momentum. The crackdown has indeed lowered homicide rates, generated political goodwill, and captured international praise. Yet Latin America’s drug economy is immense and embedded: cartels from Mexico, Colombia, and Peru have historically co-opted officials or local communities to keep business running. When the Ecuadorian government loosens control or reduces money, traffickers probably return fast. President Noboa’s promise to stay strong feels comforting but as many Latin American countries show quick changes in government can disrupt policy stability.
From Belgium’s viewpoint working together with Latin American friends shows a good example for future teamwork. The 80 tonnes of cocaine blocked in 2024 underscores that developments 6,000 miles away can transform the security situation in European ports. Perhaps more importantly, it suggests that bilateral or multilateral agreements—exchanging intelligence, ramping up scanning technology, aligning legal frameworks—could hamper drug trafficking at scale. If other major export points adopt Ecuador’s approach, global flows might contract further. But it’s easier said than done. Nations like Panama, Dominican Republic, and Colombia have different internal dynamics, political will, and resources.
The future also rests on addressing demand. As long as Europe’s consumer appetite for cocaine remains robust, traffickers have powerful incentives to find cracks in enforcement. Indeed, some experts argue that limiting supply alone never solves the entire problem. But for countries like Ecuador, ignoring immediate supply chain infiltration means conceding entire cities to gang rule. Thus, tough crackdowns still matter. The brand of unwavering enforcement championed in Ecuador or El Salvador may be controversial, but it undeniably disrupts cartel operations.
Belgian customs might, ironically, see fewer monstrous hauls at Antwerp in the near term. That doesn’t guarantee the region is free from infiltration. Already, we see substantial surges in smaller airport busts, or in cargo heading to alternate European gateways, such as Hamburg, Rotterdam, or Spanish ports like Algeciras. According to some experts, criminals no longer rely on single 10-tonne shipments. Instead, they partition loads across multiple vessels. While that complicates logistics for them, it can also strain law enforcement. Security teams need to stay quick ‒ forming fresh partnerships with ports globally ‒ especially as smuggling paths change.
The sharp decrease at Antwerp’s port shows the clear effect of Ecuador’s strong fight against cross border smuggling. For leaders in Brussels Quito etc. the main lesson is that bold, joint actions bring big changes in drug trade trends. But keeping these results calls for constant watchfulness and firm political will. Whether these stay steady in Ecuador or in the divided EU, is uncertain.
Cartels’ Resiliance
When 2024’s data comes out, the connection between Ecuador’s fight against drugs and Antwerp’s dropping cocaine catches shows a bigger plan: local actions impact faraway places disrupting cartels’ once steady paths. Ecuador’s strong tactics ‒ using the army improving port checks punishing gang members ‒ show that a big shipping center can become very unfriendly for massive drug trade. The effects in Belgium which used to see record high catches each year, prove the power of that plan.
Still, caution endures. Cartels remain resilient, skilled at rerouting, and willing to test alternative ports or embed themselves in new countries. The job of both Ecuador and Belgium is to adapt as criminals shift territory. If Ecuador sustains its crackdown, the tide could remain in law enforcement’s favor. Belgian customs promise to improve scanning ‒ working with other countries. Criminals always look for easy ways.
Also Read: The Paraguay-Paraná Waterway Cocaine Superhighway
In the end Antwerp’s drug data story is not only about one year’s success or brief trouble. Ecuador shows how one determined country might shift things, at least temporarily. If that shift sticks it relies on continuous teamwork, improved intelligence sharing and a vigorous push to combat cartels. For now, though, the dramatic drop in Antwerp’s seizures stands as a surprising yet encouraging milestone, pointing to what’s possible when regions work in tandem and local politics muster the will to say “enough is enough.”
