The more than 4.5 million people who voted for Sergio Fajardo are the ones who will put the next president of Colombia

Almost five million people remained in a political limbo when their candidate did not won the first round of the presidential elections. This population is the one that floated in the center and had the most neutral candidates. However, now that their candidates were left out of the political campaign and only the two extremes will try to capture them, with their votes, to reach the Presidency of the Republic, flirtations towards this population do not stop, starting with the step towards center of Iván Duque, Centro Democrático party, as well as Gustavo Petro, Colombia Humana. As the road is not easy, since May 27, the day on which the first round was held, the two candidates began to moderate their language and call the unit, something a bit relevant since during the three months of the campaign they did the opposite.

Leer en español: Colombia: ¿por qué la segunda vuelta presidencial ya no es radical?

Duque and Petro: the real fight is in the center

Although in the first electoral round Petro emerged triumphant in the states far from the center, not only the center of the country becomes the region to be disputed, but also at a political and ideological level. Both Duque, who has used former president Uribe to move to the most remote areas in order to use his strength to attract voters, such as Petro who has used a strong academic sector; the struggle to attract voters of the center still has a week to define itself. Diego Cediel, a political scientist at the University of La Sabana, said in an interview with Latin America Post that Duque has shown himself to be a conciliatory, consensual man who does not get upset, who does not respond to provocations, but who does not beat about the bush. In addition, Cediel noted that "Duque has sought to separate himself from the extreme right and reach an agreement with the center, in order to leave the radical position and convince this group of voters that he was left without representation."

Regarding Petro, Cediel affirms that the left-wing candidate has been the one who has most moved to the center and away from the ideas that questioned him so much in the campaign, as well as the proposals that cataloged him as the Colombian Nicolás Maduro, as was the case of the National Constituent Assembly. "Petro knows that now he must seek unity, and a proposal of that nature rather than unite, radicalize," said Cediel.

Although Duque now says: "We have to be kind and generous with the guerrilla base that has made the transition to demobilization, disarmament and reintegration, but we must ensure that those most responsible (…) comply with their sentences", but he has been clear in pointing out that they will not be behind bars but "in agricultural farms", as he recently mentioned in interviews with national and international media, it is not worth forgetting that only two weeks ago his position on peace agreements was more radical.

Now they are not extremes, and Fajardo is really the one putting the president

Duque moderated his position on the idea of ​​unifying the courts and on foreign policy decisions such as moving the Colombian embassy in Israel to Jerusalem. Petro went down from the idea of ​​convening a regional and limited constituent assembly, arguing that the Congress elected on March 21 has an important independent caucus that can promote reforms in that scenario.

However, several analysts such as Diego Cediel, Javier Garay and Yann Basset agree that it will be the leader of Colombia Humana who will be more difficult to slip to center positions, because he is a man known for his "firm postures and that little yields in the negotiations."

For Basset, radical rhetoric is more profitable in the first round to tie up the more sympathetic supporters, and in the second is more profitable the moderation to attract citizens of other parties, according to an interview with the newspaper El Colombiano. However, the left is more reluctant to move and at the same time less accepted by its ideology.

The Colombian political map has changed with respect to regional favoritism, but it remains the fight vote to vote. "Although Duque and his right-wing coalition took most of the states, Petro gained regional presence, which will not be easy to increase in the week that is left. Hence, the votes of the Colombian Coalition of Fajardo are crucial for the leftist candidate, including those of Bogotá, where he was dethroned. Those who voted for Fajardo did not see in Petro or Duque the leader they want, either because of rejection of the Democratic Center and what Alvaro Uribe means, or because of the rejection of Petro's profile and the uncertainties it generates," Garay said in an interview with Latin American Post.

However, the truth is that neither of them will be able to capture the one hundred percent of the votes that Fajardo obtained in the last elections, but if it is necessary to clarify that the president of Colombia for the period 2018-2022 will be placed in the House of Nariño by Sergio Fajardo and his voters.

Petro has the disadvantage, that is to polarize enough and have many people against, so for Ivan Duque would be easier to reach the undecided votes. However, said Basset, Duque also has a disadvantage. This is that his position makes him see within the public opinion as a candidate of political elite against Gustavo Petro, who is seen as an anti-elite character.

Latin American Post | Carlos Eduardo Gómez Avella

Translated from "Colombia: ¿por qué la segunda vuelta presidencial ya no es radical?"